Researching Security Fellows at the LINKSCH Conference in Brussels

Our Researching Security Fellows Kari Mariska Pries, Verena Brähler and Jorrit Kamminga were invited to participate in the LINKSCH Conference: Grasping The Links In the Chain: Understanding the Unintended Consequence of International Counter-Narcotics Measures for the EU, held in Brussels from 19 – 20 June 2014.

This is how the conference organisers Dr Alex Marshall and Dr Arantza Gomez Arana from the University of Glasgow explained the idea of the LINKSCH project:

“Since the end of the Cold War, there has been an explosion in the international drugs market. The need to reform existing international counter-narcotics policies is widely accepted. However, the impact of these policies in transit chain countries located between source and market is poorly understood. This lack of understanding remains an obstacle to eliminating the unintended consequences of current policies […]. By building on the results of the study, the aim is to produce policy recommendations for a more comprehensive set of counter-narcotics policies that are able to minimise the proliferation of unintended consequences.”

Our Researching Security Fellows were invited to the conference in order to provide a Latin American perspective on international counter-narcotics policies. Kari Mariska Pries explains:

“International counter-narcotics policies have long been a source of contention for origin and transit chain countries. The United States has advanced a “war on drugs” in Latin America, spending billions of dollars on counterdrug aid packages and actively engaging with target government security forces and policy officials. Over several decades, the impact of such international measures has been felt through myriad unintended consequences from the local community level to shifting dynamics of violence, crime and corruption throughout the region.

Not surprisingly, it is in Latin America where we now witness a political movement that increasingly advocates for more effective, humanitarian, and pragmatic drug policies. The latest results are the Report of The Drug Problem in the Americas, which was presented by the Organization of American States in May 2012 and contains several scenarios for drug policy reform, the move towards legalization of the cannabis market in Uruguay, and the decision of Bolivia to withdraw temporarily from the United Nations’ Single Convention on Drugs to change its national reservation on the traditional use of the coca leaf.

In the Andean region, coca eradication programs have alienated rural communities, while spreading cultivation to new areas. Similarly, countries like Brazil, Colombia and Mexico continue to conduct armed forays into criminal strongholds, forcing criminals to migrate to other parts of the cities or to the interior. Less equipped countries such as El Salvador, Honduras and Nicaragua are more dependent on collaboration with the United States but, nonetheless, mount campaigns against ever encroaching cartels such as Los Zetas or the Texis Cartel.”

Together we proposed to organise a panel on “Chasing Demons or Creating Them? The Unintended Consequences of International Counter-Narcotics Policy in Latin America”. The objective of the panel was to address how international anti-narcotic policies have:
(1) shaped experiences of security and violence in key countries throughout the region; and (2) influenced policy development and implementation perspectives from local communities to regional organisations.

Our conference presentations can be found on our website:

Detention of Alexander Sodiqov in Tajikistan

Message sent on behalf of the Canadian Political Science Association

Alexander Sodiqov, a PhD student at the University of Toronto was arrested while conducting interviews in Tajikistan for a project on Emerging Power Conflict Management run by John Heathershaw (University of Exeter, United Kingdom).

Even though the Canadian Political Science Association is adopting and implementing other institutional measures of support, our priority today is to provide our members with all the available information about our fellow academic researcher Alexander Sodiqov’s detention and encourage them to forward the following links to all their networks.

Official campaign site for the release of Alex Sodiqov

The Guardian

CTV News

For more information please contact Edward Schatz, Chair, Political Science, University of Toronto Mississauga (Alexander’s supervisor) at ed.schatz@utoronto.ca.

New visions for violence reduction strategies in Mexico

by Natalia Cervantes (24 June 2014)

Rising levels of violence and crime can erase the benefits of economic growth and dramatically decrease well-being. But if we see high levels of violence as a specifically urban problem, with therefore specifically urban solutions, new ways of approaching the problem can be established. Our Researching Security Fellow Natalia Cervantes explains how her research in Mexico is developing this idea.

Violence has been analysed and written about incessantly. Let’s start by saying that almost any person living in a city of the Global South has had one form of victimization experience or an other – whether directly or indirectly. It may have even been in a ‘simple’ or everyday manifestation of violence: robberies, muggings or property damages. Violence crimes, and the fear of it, have indeed become the reality for millions living in developing countries, thus constraining their personal and family development. Violence is virtually everywhere. Violence has arguably become one of the most pressing issues affecting development. Violence and crime represent incalculable costs, both in economic and social terms. Specifically, violence discourages investment, diverts resources toward law enforcement, and away from health and social services. It also affects social cohesion and social capital; limits social mobility, and erodes good governance by wearing down citizens’ trust in the ability of the state to deal with its causes and consequences.  What is more, since the majority of the world’s population is now living in a highly urbanized world, violence has become more noticeable in urban areas. Urban violence is increasingly recognized not simply as a security issue but also as a phenomenon that has deep social and economic roots.

Latin America has witnessed a persistence rise in violence since the 1980s. This has had devastating consequences for both citizens and governments. It has been suggested by some analysts that there is a relationship between violence and the challenges that growth and urbanization of Latin America have posed over democratic governance; yet, this relationship is certainly neither direct nor automatic. It has been acknowledged that many cities – especially those that grow at a rapid pace – experience the convergence of risk factors – namely poverty, unequal distribution of resources, social exclusion, social and political conflict– that increase the probabilities of violence and crime to appear. The fact is that there is a pressing need to further understand the factors that shape urban violence and its repercussions for cities and overall development.

But how about coming up with an urban solution to an urban issue? There are a number of compelling reasons to focus on the ways in which the processes and relations of development planning underpin urban violence. For example, urban policies often follow an inertia that maintains and strengthens social exclusion and inequality. These policies, then, reinforce – rather than reverse – existing conditions of inequalities, poverty and social exclusion, which consequently may contribute to increasing levels of urban violence. Hence, it can be ventured that some urban development planning processes lead violence to persist given the politics and social implications they represent.

Generally, policy responses to urban violence aim at addressing the so called “multi-causality‟ that drives violence and crime. In doing so, going beyond repression and punishment becomes vital. Since urban violence has social, economic, spatial and institutional roots, a successful approach to reduce urban violence should include those four dimensions.  In a spatial approach to violence, the role of urban planning at local and community levels can become crucial in diminishing opportunities for crime and violence, given that, depending on the typology of violence, most crimes have environmental design and management components. The approach known as crime prevention through environmental design (CPTED) emphasises the spatial setting of crime and links crime prevention and reduction to municipal level interventions to improve community’s physical infrastructure. It focuses on a number of issues such as street layouts, building and site design, zoning and land-use, transportation system planning and infrastructure improvements, as well as lightning of streets and public spaces. Of course, this is aimed at reducing the opportunity of crime, and, hopefully, to improve cities’ built environment.

This may seem as well-intended, yet awfully innocent and small scale initiative, given the situations of extreme violence some countries experience (read Mexico), but what else can be done when everything that has been tried before seems to be failing? Now, we analyse the context of Mexico.

Why Mexico and why now?

Mexico is a good example of what an extreme case of urban violence implies. Violence has been a central trait of the social and political consolidation of the country. Yet, the levels of violence experienced from 2006 until today have posed new overwhelming challenges to both governments and citizens. The appearance of increasing levels of violence in the country corresponds to a conjunction of historical and current events. Historically, violence is a consequence of deeply rooted social, economic and political problems that have been present in the country for decades. Based on current events, violence is also a cause of new social, economic and political strategies. Apart from drug and organized crime-related violence, several forms and sources of violence have been present in Mexico.

Violence has come to largely redefine Mexico, including the country’s government, society and institutions. The situation appeared to have reached a peak in 2006, and a frontal fight against drug trafficking and organized crime was subsequently launched by the Mexican government. Yet, despite this effort, the government’s strategy did little to decrease the marketing of illegal drugs (Guerrero-Gutierrez, 2012). Violence has caused leakage of investment, loss of jobs, and the gestation of a phenomenon that poses a growing threat to national security.

Violence has also redefined the Mexican economy in many ways. It has been estimated for instance, that about 37.4 per cent of the companies in the country were victims of crime and violence in 2012. The rise of violence has been accompanied by the closure of many small businesses and increased unemployment. Violence has redefined how citizens relate to each other. Citizens change their activities and limit their interaction with the rest of society. Violence has also transformed the relation between citizens and institutions of the state; it has eroded citizens’ trust toward the government and its institutions. Violence has also increased corruption and institutional weakness and has hampered the rule of law.

Mexico is coming toward a turning point. The mounting significance of violence and insecurity has provoked the surge of a pressing need to scrutinize the causes, consequences, costs and over all, new strategies to reverse this situation. The traditional approach to urban violence has proven to be insufficient.  The frontal war against organised crime has only provoked violence to spread. Criminal justice and law enforcement have only worsened the problem and triggered a blood-spattered reaction from drug organisations. There has to be an incentive to stop joining drug traffickers, a feasible alternative for citizens to achieve decent living standards: something to look up to instead of violent ways. What if instead of continuing fighting violence with violence, we try to focus on developing better cities and eventually, better citizens?

References

Note that all other references can be accessed by clicking on the hyperlinks.

Guerrero-Gutierrez, E., 2012. Políticas de seguridad en México: analisis de cuatro sexenios, in: Atlas de La Seguridad Y Defensa de Mexico. Colectivo de Análisis de la Seguridad con Democracia A.C. (CASEDE), Mexico.